AB

T’uy’t’tanat-Cease Wyss

x̱aw̓s shew̓áy̓ New Growth《新生林》

2019 – 2025

x̱aw̓s shew̓áy̓ New Growth《新生林》nurtures ecological processes and community members alike. It provides a forum for the public, youth, keyholder groups, and 221A’s programs, and introduces us to healthy relationships with the land and each other. Through a collaborative youth curriculum led by 221A fellow T’uy’t’tanat-Cease Wyss, a Skwxwú7mesh/Sto:Lo/Hawaiian/Swiss artist, ethnobotanist, and educator, this site was designed and redressed from a vacant lot into a public garden with flora indigenous to this territory. With a deep knowledge of this territory’s medicinal and edible plants, Wyss develops her work by respecting the intelligence of biodiversity. She teaches us how to heal, create, and connect while nurturing healthy coexistence with the plants and pollinators of this territory’s ecosystem.

Semi-Public 半公開 is a cultural space operated by 221A on the unceded territories of the Skwxwú7mesh (Squamish), Səl̓ílwətaʔ/Selilwitulh (Tsleil-Waututh), and xʷməθkwəy̓əm (Musqueam) Nations. This acknowledgement is repeated regularly in the lower mainland of British Columbia, yet its significance is often not fully held by non-Indigenous people. Consider that the distinct Nations of this territory have co-existed here for thousands of years, while in comparison, Canada is just over 150 years old.

Located in Chinatown and adjacent to historic Hogan’s Alley, where the Georgia Street Viaduct now stands, the garden site is a place where Indigenous peoples, Chinese-Canadians, and the African diasporic community have all experienced cultural, class, and economic struggle. Our governments are beginning to acknowledge the shameful strategies used to systematically inflict injustice on generations of racialized communities. Meanwhile, learning of these disregarded histories has inspired artists, activists, educators, and cultural workers to address this neighbourhood with a collective consciousness. It follows that public art is also evolving from the tradition of monumental sculptures and single authors. The development and maintenance of this garden are the work and relationships of an intergenerational and intercommunity collaboration.

The Eurocentric model of land management that dominates in the West today needs some unlearning. It designs and maintains landscapes for the enjoyment of people, in service of an extractive economy, and most often at the expense of other species. However, there are other approaches to ecological integration and landscaping that encourage the healthy interdependence of species. These processes restore robust ecological systems by reintroducing indigenous species to specific territories, and this helps fuel our biodiversity. The remediation of this land with indigenous plant species is not an exercise in nostalgia, but rather an opportunity to map the future ecosystem we want to live in.

Site Plan

new growth site plan

The planting beds and cob oven are arranged as a series of interlocking trigons, crescents, extended crescents, and circles. These are traditional Coast Salish design elements that have been applied to the land with permaculture methods. Permaculture is a design process that simulates the methods and resilient patterns of ecosystems. The larger principles of permaculture are centered around whole systems thinking and organizational and social design processes, and they have varied and vastly diverse applications beyond land management and farming.

Credits

Artistic & Ethnobotanical Lead: T’uy’t’tanat-Cease Wyss
Project Coordinator: Courtenay Mayes
Production Lead: Stephan Wright
Youth Coordinator: Meagan Innes
Youth Program Participants: Valeen Jules, Kai Todd-Darrell, Anostin Todd-Darell, Jazzmin Whitford, Brandon Brueckert, Oliver Barnes
Cob Oven produced by the Mudgirls Collective
Chinese Language Speaker: Dennis Ha
Squamish Language Speaker: Senaqwila Wyss

Plant Signage

Visitors to x̱aw̓s shew̓áy̓ (New Growth) can learn the nomenclature for the plant species here in the garden, which are indigenous to the bioregion of the Pacific Northwest Coast, and the unceded territories of Skwxwú7mesh (Squamish), Səl̓ílwətaʔ/Selilwitulh (Tsleil-Waututh), and xʷməθkwəy̓əm (Musqueam) Nations.

Salmonberry Rubus spectabilis
Snowberry Symphoricarpos albus
Oregon Grape Mahonia aquifolium
Red Huckleberry Vaccinium parvifolium
Wild Strawberry Fragaria virginiana
Kinnikinnick Arctostaphylos uva-ursi
Wood Sorrel Oxalis oregana
Yarrow Achillea millefolium
Wild Rose Rosa nutkana
Oceanspray Holodiscus discolor
Stonecrop Sedum acre
Pacific Western Yew Taxus brevifolia
Indian Plum Oemleria cerasiformis
Red Osier Cornus sericea
Red Elderberry Sambucus pubens

T’uy’t’tanat-Cease Wyss

x̱aw̓s shew̓áy̓ New Growth《新生林》

2019 – 2025

《新生林》同時培育生態與生態環境內的生物並供給了一個聯繫了公眾,青少年,各界社團,及 221A 組織項目的平台,且為求促進人與人和大自然之間應有的良好關係。221A 透過 T’uy’t’tanat-Cease Wyss,一位原住民史高米殊 / Sto:Lo 及夏威夷和瑞士裔混血兒的藝術家 / 教育工作者 / 民族植物學家,所指導的青少年合作項目,把原來的空地重新設計成一個補種了在此地段原有植物的公園。Wyss 帶著她對草藥,蔬菜,及生態智慧的理解和專重,盼能幫助工眾們對大自然的痊癒,創造,聯繫, 和共存有更多的認識。

半公開是由 221A 組織策劃的文化空間,並運作於本為原住民族裔史高米殊 (Squamish),Səl̓ílwətaʔ/Selilwitulh (Tslieil-Waututh),和馬斯琴 (Musqueam) 沒被割讓的土地上。這個土地承認致詞在卑斯省大溫地區內雖被常用,但它的意義也常被非原住民的公眾們忽視。然而原住民族裔有在本省內居住過千年的歷史,在比較下加拿大國家也只是成立了一百五十多年而己。

《新生林》公園對面的地點曾經是溫哥華黑人聚居的小區 Hogan's Alley,亦是原住民和華裔們居住過的地段。這幾個社區也曾一同在此經歷過在文化,階級,和經濟上的鬥爭。各級政府近年開始承認對族裔化社區過往的不公平對待,而這些被逐漸遺忘的遭遇也因此得到了一眾藝術家,民運者,教育和文化工作者們的關注。以此同時公共藝術製作也逐漸邁向著以團題化的形式逞現。在這個公園的建設與及保養的過程中我們能夠體驗到多族裔和多代間的關係與合作。

在西方國家盛行以歐洲中心主義為模式的土地管理在現今的生態裡需被推翻。這些模式往往只顧及人類的各種享受,並耗損了資源及犧牲了各種生物。然而透過把土生土長的植物補種在回原地的方式,新種的植物可以增加供給大自然與其生物的養份,更有機會造就生態的回復。補種土地不是一種懷緬過去的行為,而是一個能讓我們計劃未來生態的機會。

多謝光臨

公園地圖

new growth site plan

花壇與土製烤爐的放置是採用了一系列聯鎖的三角形,月形,長月形和圓形的設計。這些形狀都是吻合了海岸薩利希語族的傳統設計原素,而且更採用了永續農業的放置方式。永續農業是一種能夠促進有彈性的生態系統的設計過程。永續農業的最大原理是以整系統思想為中心,且應用於土地官理,農業,組織,及社會設計過程等。

工作人員

美術及民族植物學指導:T’uy’t’tanat-Cease Wyss
項目統籌主任:Courtenay Mayes
項目製作指導:Stephan Wright
青少年項目統籌主任:Meagan Innes
青少年項目參加者:Valeen Jules, Kai Todd-Darrell, Anostin Todd-Darell, JazzminWhitford, Brandon Brueckert, Oliver Barnes
土製烤爐由泥漿女子合作社製作

植物名稱

前來到「新生林」的公眾可參考公園內的標誌來辨認各種植物。而園內植物都是在西北太平洋,和原住民族裔史高米殊 (Sḵwxwú7mesh), Səl̓ílwətaʔ/Selilwitulh, 和馬斯琴 (xʷməθkwəy̓əm) 沒被割讓土地及生物區裡的原有植物。

Salmonberry Rubus spectabilis 鮭莓
Snowberry Symphoricarpos albus 雪果
Oregon Grape Mahonia aquifolium 奧勒岡葡萄
Red Huckleberry Vaccinium parvifolium 紅蔓越橘
Wild Strawberry Fragaria virginiana 野草莓
Kinnikinnick Arctostaphylos uva-ursi 熊果
Wood Sorrel Oxalis oregana 酢漿草
Yarrow Achillea millefolium 蓍草
Wild Rose Rosa nutkana 野玫瑰
Oceanspray Holodiscus discolor 全盤花
Stonecrop Sedum acre 萬年草
Pacific Western Yew Taxus brevifolia 短葉紅豆杉
Indian Plum Oemleria cerasiformis 印第安梅
Red Osier Cornus sericea 山茱萸
Red Elderberry Sambucus pubens 接骨木果

AB

Ken Lum

Vancouver Especially (A Vancouver Special scaled to its property value in 1973, then increased by 8 fold)

Winter 2015 – Winter 2018

Vancouver Especially (A Vancouver Special scaled to its property value in 1973, then increased by 8 fold) by Canadian artist Ken Lum is the first commissioned work presented at Semi-Public. The installation is a 1:3 scale replica of a mass-produced, Vancouver architectural style of homes known as the “Vancouver Special”, popularized from 1965 to 1985 with an estimated 10,000 homes built.

The scale of the artwork is determined by the $45,000 artwork production budget, comparable to the value of a Vancouver Special in the 1970s. Buying a Vancouver Special with that budget today would be tiny in size (a small relief in the front of the platform shows the actual scale), thus the artwork was multiplied eightfold. Therefore, the artwork would be most appropriately considered an ‘enlargement’ of accepted value. 

As a housing typology, the Vancouver Special is unique not simply because of its characteristically ‘box-like’ structure, low-pitched roofs and balconies that cut across the house, but also because they were designed and built without architects. What does it mean to make a city without architects?

In the 1980s, Vancouver’s city council implemented a socio-economic policy called Living First, putting in place measures to slow the construction of Vancouver Specials and turn towards urban densification, primarily through condominiums—thin 25 to 35-storey concrete-and-glass residential towers atop a base of commercial storefronts. In contrast to the gradual proliferation of individual Vancouver Specials (which offered homeowners a certain amount of control through the application of ad-hoc embellishments to individualize their homes), the podium-style towers, now ubiquitous in Vancouver, were largely precipitated by a single sale of 8 million square feet of city land to Hong Kong-based billionaire Li Ka Shing, after Expo ‘86, in exchange for the promise of a regulated urban master plan.

Increasing the downtown core’s population from 20,000 to over 100,000, the master planning efforts managed to reverse the sub-urban sprawl common in North American cities. The new density coupled with a hyperactive real estate market resulted in accelerated increases in property value. Living First, with its podium-style towers and heavy design restrictions, galvanized enough world interest to earn the moniker ‘Vancouverism’. While lauded as a global model, local architectural critics regard the towers as banal, vertical, ‘gated communities’ devoid of architectural variation or contextual awareness. Like the Vancouver Special, the podium tower model isn’t designed by architects, but by urban planners and developers that arc towards an ideology of globalization, where notions of ‘livability’ are flattened into a global metric. Vancouver is consistently listed as one of the most livable places and one of the most unaffordable places in the world—a perverse marker of success for investors who make money from the struggles of affordability.

Urban planners used the masterplan as a functionalist approach to the city; modelled on the ‘average’ human, where the mathematics of density in relation to social-good was highly considered, employing deterministic formulas of percentage for allowable commercial space, leisure space, social housing, child-care facilities, public art and even including well-calibrated sight lines to maximize on the view of the mountains. But the city’s adoption of Living First, and the legacy of its socioeconomic mathematics, has led Vancouver, an impressively multi-ethnic city into a monocultural architectural logic of investment. The de-centering of the the city from a well-meaning (although Eurocentric) functionalism towards the excesses of an investment market has given wealthy visible minorities an opportunity to amass capital in Vancouver, bringing about renewed anti-Asian sentiment and Canadian-European claims to dominance.

Here in Vancouver we remember Eurocentric histories, an open wound stemming from settlers in the late 19th century (whose validity is still popularly glorified and falsely granted), who violently took this land from pre-existing communities of the indigenous Squamish (Sḵwxwú7mesh) people. We also remember an ethnically-diverse community—often identified as the largest African-Canadian community in Vancouver, located just across the street from 271 Union St—destroyed in 1972 to make room for the Georgia Viaduct off-ramp. And we can easily remember the new developments in the neighbourhood, which have proudly misappropriated Chinese motifs and sayings—such as the ‘Ginger’ condominium’s grammatically charged marketing tag-line “Some like it hot. You like it spicy”, or the Westbank development, which during its pre-sales marketing dwarfed the neighbourhood by covering a half-city-block with massive red letters reading “Ni Hao” (‘Hello’ in Mandarin Pinyin), welcoming only those with money. The pressure on Vancouver’s development industry to deliver third-party social-good has little bearing on the the lived experience of the people who will soon be displaced, and instead exacerbates an unqualified and highly problematic ‘soft’ preservation of Chinatown.

With city plans underway for the replacement of the Georgia and Dunsmuir Viaducts across the street for what will likely continue Vancouver’s monocultural trajectory, Lum’s Vancouver Especially gives us the ability to imagine an insubordinate architecture of the future by looking to the past.

Photo Documentation

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林荫庭

《溫特特屋》(一間根據此房屋在1973年的價格然後以八倍的比例而建切的溫特屋)

2015年2月21曰 – 2016年2月19日

林荫庭

1956年生於加拿大溫哥華市,現居於美國費城。專長於繪畫,雕塑及攝影等。他的創作包含了概念藝術的方針和具像藝術的性質,並涉及了有關語言,畫像與空間政治的各種議題。

朝往被遷徙前的建築

這間照著3對1的比例而複製的房屋源於1965至1985年裡在溫哥華興建了超過10,000間的「溫特屋」。由於本藝術品的$45,000制作費相等於一間建設於70年代溫特屋的價格,因此這比例就被用作品的建築比例 。再者此制作費在現今的地產市場內只能換到一間很微型的溫特屋(請參考在平台前小牌子上的實際比例),這作品的體積就公然地被增長了八倍。作為一個房屋類形的象徵,溫特屋的特處不僅於它本身有著如箱子般的結構、緩緩傾斜的屋頂、和被放在屋外正中的陽台。它更獨特在有著一個無需要由建築師去監督的設計。可想一個不是由建築師去建設的城市會是怎樣的?

溫哥華市議會在80年代實施了一個名為「居住優先」的社會經濟政策。此政策針對了溫特屋的建設,企圖邁向高密度化的共管式公寓 : 一棟棟在商戶樓上由混凝土和玻璃所構成25-35層的大廈。相對於獨特地建設的溫特屋 (溫特屋都供給了房主們不少為屋內與外而特設裝飾的選擇),這些現時普及在溫哥華的高樓大廈大多數都是在香港富豪李嘉誠在86年世博會後用了一個為了城市規劃而落下的承諾而買下了的8百萬平方英尺土地上促成的。

Mario Gaviria – 城市建設者
「建設一個城市比建造城市生活更為容易」

這城市規劃成功地讓市中心的居住人口由20,000增至100,000,故此減少了普遍在北美洲城市外郊市鎮的擴展。人口密度的增長促進了本地房格的上漲,快速地推動了本地樓市。「居住優先」政策為溫市帶來了在設計上有所限制的樓宇,此建築風格更得到了「溫哥華主義」這個國際認可的綽號。這些被譽為是全球模式的高樓大廈,都被在本地建築評論家們看作為一些公式化和缺乏背景意式的封閉社區。正如溫特屋一樣,這些大廈的模式也不是出自建築師的設計,它們都是由對全球化意識有所立場的城市規劃者和發展商們攜手醞釀出來的。溫哥華一向都被列舉為全球最宜居卻又最昂貴的都市, 此列舉貼切地成就了投資者們從增長的房價和買家的負擔中拿到的利益。

主規劃師

城市建設者們採取了功能主義的途徑來把總體規劃應用在城市內;跟據著一個 「普通人」的所需來計算和分配商業空間、休閒空間、社會屋、託兒設施、公共藝術、甚至是城內景觀綫的定制。可是溫市所採納的「居住優先」政策,又逐漸地引導著這本擁有著多元族裔的城市邁向到一個單元文化的投資地點。當總體規劃偏離了這用意雖好 (卻是以歐洲主義為中心)的功能後,過度的投資給予了富裕的少數族裔在溫哥華裡能夠積累資本的機會,繼而喚起了一種以加拿大 / 歐洲主義為中心的霸主立場與及反亞洲的觀點。

在這地方我們思想到以歐洲主義為中心的一些歷史,和一道在19世紀末期被打開了的傷口。這就是當時殖民者用暴力的手法而奪取了土著史高米殊 (Sḵwxwú7mesh) 民族國土的根據。我們也可在這兒懷緬一個擁有多元族裔的地方。這個曾經位於這條街對面,被稱為在溫市内最大的黑人社區 ,是一個在1972年為了興建喬治亞高架橋出口匝道而被遷徙的社區。我們更可在此想到近年在這區內的新建築,和被它們盗用了的中國式設計和標語。例如一棟自稱為 「薑」的住所就應用了「有些人愛熱,而你愛辣」這個把文法誇大了的廣告標語;又例如西岸置業集團在預售新樓盤時用了巨型和紅色的字體把「你好」的拼音字母蓋在半條街道上,直接地向有資本的銷售對象招手。溫市地產業所承擔的社會責任對華埠居民來說並沒有太大意義,原因是地產商們只能夠用市場營銷的手法來呈現所謂對華埠文化的維護。

在遷拆喬治亞與登斯梅高架橋計劃進行中的溫哥華或會繼續走上單元文化的軌道,以此同時林荫庭的《溫特特屋》能讓我們從過去想象到一個會有抗命建築的未來。

本展覽由 Brian McBay 先生策展。
「半公開」 展覽空間由加拿大註冊慈善組織221A策劃。

照片文件

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About Semi-Public

Semi-Public is a public art site operated by non-profit organization 221A. Located at 271 Union Street, the 3,000 square-foot site invites the public to visit commissioned installations and processes by contemporary artists. Semi-Public’s programming is informed by the contested spatial politics of its location on traditional ancestral and Unceded Territories of the xʷməθkwəy̓əm (Musqueam), Skwxwú7mesh (Squamish) and Səl̓ílwətaʔ/Selilwitulh (Tsleil-Waututh) Nations, in the neighbourhood of Chinatown, adjacent to what was the largest civic concentration of African-Canadians families and businesses before their displacement for a major automobile corridor in the 1970s, and within one of the most speculative and expensive real estate markets in the world.

Visit

12–5pm, Tuesday–Saturday
Outdoors (Likely Cold, Hot or Rainy)
Except during periods of the most miserable kind of rain
271 Union Street
Vancouver, BC Canada

Contact

+1 604 568 0812
info@semi-public.com

Semi-Public on Twitter

Unceded Territory

221A acknowledges that the area called Vancouver is within the unceded Indigenous territories belonging to the Musqueam, Skxwú7mesh-ulh Úxwumixw (Squamish) and Tsleil-Watututh peoples. 221A recognizes that the colony of British Columbia was created through organized dispossession and colonial violence. 221A seeks to shift its organizational practices to work together with Indigenous people to end ongoing violence, disposession and displacement.

Support

We gratefully acknowledge the principal financial support of the City of Vancouver, Vancouver Board of Parks and Recreation, and the Vancouver Foundation for their financial support of x̱aw̓s shew̓áy̓ New Growth《新生林》, and the visionary in-kind support of the Pacific Crown Investment Corp. for the free use of the property. We also acknowledge the support of Semi-Public 半公開 from the City of Vancouver Cultural Infrastructure Grants, Canada Council for the Arts, Canadian Heritage, BC Gaming, British Columbia Arts Council, The Leon and Thea Koerner Foundation, Lafarge Canada Inc., and our founding donors, Chan Family Foundation, Sarah Todd & Aaron Gray, and an anonymous patron, who initiated the Semi-Public 半公開 site in 2015.

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Land Use Lease

The 271 Union Street site is owned by Pacific Crown Corporation Ltd. and is leased for $1 per year to 221A for a period of 10 years until 2025. In exchange for the use of the land, the property owner benefits from a reduction in annual property taxes as a result of the reclassification of the property to charitable use.

Live Stream

Semi-Public 半公開 has two live-stream cameras that are active and viewable 24 hours a day, 7 days a week. The images of the site are streamed via YouTube and operate under that platform’s terms of service.

Hot keys:
Ctrl + F = Fullscreen;
Ctrl + S = Auto Feed Switch On/Off;
Shift + S = Toggle Feed

地點簡介

半公開是由非營利組職221A策劃的公共藝術展覽空間,地點位於華埠聯合街271號。在這面積三千平方呎的空間內大眾能夠體驗到由不同藝術家特地製作的當代裝置藝術作品與及有關項目。聯合街一帶的空間政治對半公開的規劃方案有着深厚的影響。卑斯省原住民Sto:lo, xʷməθkʷəy̓əm(馬斯琴), Skwxwú7mesh Úxwumixw(史高米殊)以及 Tsleil-Waututh(塔斯里尔—沃特斯)部族的地區就是華人聚集的唐人街。這一帶亦是以前在溫市最多非洲裔居民和商人的落腳之地,然後於七十年代一個主要行車大橋的興建令這個社區分解。隨着時代蛻變這地段現今被視為全世界最昂貴的房地產市場之一。 

土地契約

聯合街271號的地址是由Pacific Crown有限公司持有,並和221A組職以慈善捐助的名義定下了每年只收取一元租金的十年契約。這個條件促以供給了該有限公司一個能被豁免大部分地稅的資格。

現場直播

半公開空間內裝設了兩個二十四小時直播的攝錄機,而攝錄機亦同時被用作保安監控的用途。直播影像也因而間接地構成了一個糢糊了公共與私人空間的畫面。

現場直播

半公開現場放置了兩個錄影鏡頭,請前往瀏覽 http://semi-public.com 二十四小時 Youtube 網站直播。

贊助單位

221A 感謝 City of Vancouver 和 Vancouver Foundation 給予《新生林》項目的經費支助,與及 Pacific Crown Investment Corp 免費供給的項目場地。我們亦感謝 City of Vancouver Cultural Infrastructure Grants, Canada Council for the Arts, Canadian Heritage, BC Gaming, British Columbia Arts Council, The Leon and Thea Koerner Foundation 和 Lafarge Canada Inc. 的支持,與及輔助我們在 2015 年成立半公開的捐献者,包括 Chan Family Foundation, Sarah Todd & Aaron Gray 和一位匿名的捐献者。

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